The coup in Niger is a showcase of the wider problems in West Africa. To understand why President Mohamed Bazoum was removed from power, it is important to understand the issues surrounding violent extremism in the region. Extremism and insurgency in West Africa are rife. Terrorist organizations and their activities affect the democratic processes both nationally and internationally. Pressures applied to governments by these groups have led to widespread disdain for national governments and their failures when it comes to tackling extremism. This is one reason why coups in West Africa are an extremely common occurrence. Military juntas currently control Mali, Sudan, Burkina Faso, Benin, Guinea-Bissau, Gambia, Guinea, and Chad. An overthrow of the government is detrimental to the international relations of the country. For many of these coup-affected governments, the ousted leader was friendly with Western countries, usually the former colonial owner of the nation. Once removed, new allies would be found with enemies of those in the West. In West Africa, this mainly consists of the juntas distancing themselves from France and strengthening relations with Russia, and by extension, the Wagner paramilitary Group.
The Wagner Group has created a new incentive for this relationship with Russia. In the fight against terror in these affected African nations, usually, Western allies would be aiding in the fight against extremism. As these counter-terror activities failed, blame quickly fell onto the Western militaries, from both the country's citizens, politicians, and military. Once a coup had taken place, western allies and International Organisations (like the African Union) would sever all support. This would leave a massive military vacuum as hundreds of troops would be removed from the fight against counter-terror. Strengthening relations with Russia enables these military juntas to use the paramilitary Wagner Group, which already has a strong presence in Africa. Such a dynamic has created a sort of incentive for the military to take control of the government.
Fighting extremism in Africa has been fraught with tactical and political disasters. So, when public and military support had shifted against the sitting government, militaries didn't have to worry about the implications of a potential coup. Once they had assumed power, they would have a firm ally in Russia. International organisations also impose sanctions on military juntas to deter them from happening. However, the mass of military juntas in Africa means that there is now a support system in place for these new juntas. No longer will financial sanctions devastate the country, because other juntas will assist new ones. This process, and the growing number of juntas in Africa, creates a worrying backdrop to the Nigerien Coup Crisis.
In the early months of 2023, Niger was experiencing a security crisis, facing two insurgencies by two different warring terrorist organizations. JNIM, an Al-Qaeda-affiliated insurgent group, and the Islamic State in the Sahel are both active in Niger and actively fighting against each other. Furthermore, rebel organizations in the neighbouring juntas and criminal bandit gangs are also active around Niger's border. With all of these groups active, vying for control of border areas of Niger, violent attacks are extremely common, not just on other groups but also on politicians and civilians. Niger's military, along with supporting French soldiers, were struggling to properly combat the violence. The background of violence bred a rise in anti-government sentiment and negative attitudes towards France. President Mohamed Bazoum of Niger had been a vocal supporter of France and had criticized his junta neighbours on numerous occasions. He had spoken negatively about the coups of neighbouring Mali and their decisions to employ the Wagner Group. He had criticized Burkina Faso for employing local militias in counter-terrorism. These statements, while endorsing France, galvanized his detractors and even attracted critics from these neighbouring nations.
The growing dislike for the sitting government put pressure on politicians to make changes within the military, in hopes of correcting the issues of the failed counter-terror campaigns. President Mohamed Bazoum had started making plans to remove military leadership from their roles. One of these leaders about to be fired from their position was Abdourahamane Tchiani, the leader of the Presidential Guard. Tchiani had held the position for many years and had defended Bazoum and his predecessor from coup attempts. The decision to remove him had him, and many other military leaders, feeling scorned by Bazoum and his government.
On July 26th, Tchiani, and the Presidential Guardsmen began the coup. Reports came out saying that the Guardsmen were conducting anti-republican activities. Then, it was reported that Bazoum and his family were now hostages within their home. Coup-supporting forces, from other branches of the county's military, began to block off key Governmental buildings and began dispersing crowds of Bazoum's supporters with gunfire. Forces loyal to Bazoum, mainly members of the Army and National Guard, began to take key strategic points, preparing to engage any pro-coup forces on the move. The scene was set for country-wide warfare between government loyalists and pro-coup forces.
The Chief of the country's air force, and other prominent members from various armed forces branches, took to television to declare his support for the coup and told the general public that Bazoum had been ousted from power. He also formally announced the formation of the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland (NCSH), Niger's new military junta Government. The military had made their coup obvious and clear, but many believed that Bazoum still held power. He had not resigned or commented on the coup against him. Western nations began to criticise the coup and called for the release of Bazoum.
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Nigerien Military Officials on TV Backing the Coup Against Bazoum |
Before widespread violence could break between Government loyalists and pro-coup forces, the Chief of Staff for the Nigerien Army signed a document endorsing the coup, to avoid the brutal country-wide fighting. The junta began using their new authoritative powers to suspend all military cooperation with France. The junta also had officials on TV making announcements. Such public displays and immediate action against France had stirred up the critics of Bazoum and France. Thousands took to the streets brandishing Russian flags and vandalising government buildings. Police attempted to disperse the crowds, but a riot quickly broke out with government buildings being set alight. All forms of demonstration were then banned by the Interior Ministry. On July 28th, the Government was officially suspended and General Tchiani was declared as the new head of state. In a statement, delivered on television, Tchiani scorned Bazoum for his lack of cooperation with neighbouring juntas and his unwavering support for France. This was the end of the coup, but not from the crisis. Bazoum and his family had been imprisoned in his home and were not being freed.
The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is an international organisation that covers the area of West Africa. Previously, they had imposed restrictions on military juntas. Seeing the growing trend of coups in West Africa, and the lack of impact from their sanctions, ECOWAS took immediate, decisive action after Niger's coup. Financial sanctions weren't a feasible punishment due to the fostering of military juntas. ECOWAS demanded Bazoum be reinstated by July 30th. When this was not done, they began to discuss mobilising their standing, armed force to physically reinstate him. In early August, the force was raised and plans were made to invade Niger. The junta threatened to kill Bazoum if ECOWAS did so. Since then, there has been a tentative negotiation process between ECOWAS, the junta and the United Nations, all the while Bazoum remains imprisoned.